This expedient was indeed not new, for Julius had adopted it before Leo. But it had never been so extensively and so barefacedly practised, as in this in stance. It was none other than to make gain from godliness, by selling merits for money —not only by pardoning, but even legalizing, the contempt and defiance of God through the distribution of certain superfluous riches of Christ and of his saints, to which the Pope has the key. The price demanded varied with the circumstances of the buyer, so that all ranks of men might partake of the benefit. In fact, all orders of men were made to contribute to ecclesiastical profligacy, while the infamous Dominican Tetzel had some colour for his boast that he had saved more souls from hell by his Indulgences, than St. Peter had converted to Christianity by his preaching.6
Luther inquired, studied, prayed, and called on his rulers. At length, receiving no help but only silence or cautions from authorities, he published his ninety-five theses, or doctrinal propositions on the subject. These were spread, with wonderful impression and effect, in the course of fifteen days, throughout all Germany.
Tetzel answered them by one hundred and six. This gave occasion for sermons in reply and rejoinder. Luther was so dutiful, so simple-hearted, and so confident in truth, that he sent his publications to his superiors in the church — his diocesan and his vicar-general — requesting the vicar-general to transmit them to the Pope. The cause was now fairly before the public. New antagonists arose. Luther was elaborate and temperate in his answers. At length, the lion (Leo) was roused. He had commended brother Martin for his very fine genius, and resolved the dispute into monastic envy — a rivalry between the Dominicans and the Augustinians. But now, within sixty days, Luther must appear to answer for himself at Rome. Indeed, he was already condemned as an incorrigible heretic, without trial, in the apostolic chamber at Rome — even before the citation reached him.
Through the intercession of his powerful friend, the elector, he gets a hearing at Augsburg (if that can be called a hearing), which gives the accused no alternative but admission of his crime and recantation. Such, however, was the justice and the judgment which Luther met with at the hands of Cajetan. 7
After going to and beyond the uttermost of what was right in submission, saving nothing except to write down the six letters (REVOCO), which would have settled everything —though there were other weighty matters in dispute, besides the Indulgences — Luther left his imperious, contemptuous judge with an appeal which he took care to have solemnly registered in due form of law, “from the Pope ill-informed, to the same most holy Leo X, when better informed.”
In his several conferences at Augsburg, written and unwritten, Luther had stood distinctly upon his distinguishing ground, ‘scripture against all papal decrees.’ It is his glory on this occasion, that he maintained it in the very jaws of the usurper’s representative. An abject mendicant monk, as the cardinal haughtily termed him, with all due and unfeigned respect for human superiority, took and acted the language which two apprehended and arraigned Apostles had used before him, “We ought to obey God rather than men.” Act 5.29
Cajetan got no honour at Rome by his negotiations at Augsburg. The papal counsellors complained that he had been severe and illiberal, when he should have promised riches, a bishopric, and a cardinal’s hat. Such were their hot-burning coals to be heaped on the head of Luther’s inflexibility! Rom 12.20 On his return to Wittemberg, at the close of 1518, Luther considered leaving Germany to retire into France. But the elector forbade him, and made earnest application to the emperor Maximilian 8 to interpose, and get the controversy settled.
Meanwhile, Luther renewed his appeal to the Pope. This was followed, strange to tell, by a new bull in favour of Indulgences, confirming all the ancient abuses, and not even mentioning Luther’s name. In his then state of mind, clinging as he still did to the Pope’s authority, this document was opportune. It served to make Luther’s retreat impossible. Maximilian’s death, which took place early in 1519, increased the elector’s power to protect Luther during the interregnum, 9 and led to more lenient measures at Rome. This courteous Saxon knight was sent to replace the imperious Dominican.
‘Martin,’ he said, ‘I took you for some solitary old theologian; whereas I find you a person in all the vigour of life. Then, you are so much favoured with popular opinion, that I could not expect, with the help of twenty-five thousand soldiers, to force you with me to Rome.’
Luther was firm, though softened: he had no objection to writing submissively to the Pope. As yet, he recognised the Pope’s authority; and it was a principle with him to show respect to his superiors, and to obey “the powers that be,” Rom 13.1 in lawful things, if constituted lawfully.
The famous disputations at Leipzig were held in the month of July, 1519. This is where Luther, who had been refused a safe conduct if he attempted to appear in the character of a disputant, was at length permitted to take up Carolstadt’s 10 half-defended cause, and to answer for himself in opposition to one of the most learned, eloquent, and embittered of his papal opponents. Eckius,11 Luther’s former friend, had come to earn laurels for himself, and strength for the Papacy. But He who gives the prey, assigned it to truth, and made this the occasion to supply Luther with many able coadjutors. 12 Melancthon’s approval of his doctrine, and his attachment to Luther personally, were the offspring of this encounter.
‘At Wittemberg, Melancthon had probably been well acquainted with Luther’s lectures on divinity. But it was in the citadel of Leipzig that he heard the Romish tenets defended by all the arguments that ingenuity could devise. There his suspicions were strengthened respecting the evils of the existing hierarchy; and there his righteous spirit was roused to imitate, in the grand object of his future inquiries and exertions, the indefatigable endeavours of his zealous and adventurous friend.’ 13
Here it was, that the question of papal supremacy first came into debate. The act of granting Indulgences assumed the right; but the principle was now brought forward by Eckius, in malicious wilfulness, for the purpose of throwing scandal upon Luther who as yet, “saw men, but as trees, walking.” Mk 8.24 He even maintained the Pope’s supremacy, though on inferior grounds. He gave it to him by a right founded on human reasons: DIVINE PERMISSION, and THE CONSENT OF THE FAITHFUL. Though Eckius’ thirteen propositions, and Luther’s adversative ones, chiefly respected papal domination, they comprehended other topics. And many important matters of a more generally interesting nature, were elicited and agitated by the discussion.
On all the subjects of debate, Luther showed a mind opening itself to truth, as in the instance just cited — though it may be doubted whether he was yet fully enlightened to any truth. Even on Justification, and on Freewill, though he held the substance of what he taught afterwards, he did not use the same materials, or the same form of defence. Hear his own account, as given in the preface to his works.
‘My own case,’ he says, ‘is a notable example of the difficulty with which a man emerges from erroneous notions of long standing. How true is the proverb, custom is a second nature! How true is that saying of Augustine that habit, if not resisted, becomes necessity! I had taught divinity both publicly and privately, with the greatest diligence for seven years, such that I retained in my memory almost every word of my lectures. But I was in fact at that time only just initiated into the knowledge and faith of Christ.
I had only just learned that a man must be justified and saved not by works, but by the faith of Christ; and lastly, in regard to pontifical authority, though I publicly maintained that the Pope was not the head of the church by a DIVINE RIGHT, yet I stumbled at the very next step — namely, that the whole papal system was a Satanic invention. I did not see this, but contended obstinately for the Pope’s RIGHT, FOUNDED ON HUMAN REASONS — so thoroughly deluded was I by the example of others, by the title of HOLY CHURCH, and by my own habits. Hence, I have learned to have more candour for bigoted Papists, especially if they are not well acquainted with sacred history, or perhaps even with secular history.’
When the debate was over, Luther calmly reviewed his own thirteen propositions, and published them, with concise explanations and proofs; establishing his conclusions chiefly by an appeal to Scripture and to ecclesiastical history.
These wrestling-matches of ancient times were the seed-bed of the reviving church: the people heard, the people read. And thus, according to Luther’s favourite maxim, THE STONE which is to destroy Antichrist, WAS CUT OUT WITHOUT HANDS.
In 1520, Miltitz 14 advised a second letter to the Pope. Advancing towards meridian light, as he now was, Luther found it difficult to do this with integrity; it may be questioned whether he succeeded in his attempt.
