The Prince (Italian: Il Principe [il ˈprintʃipe]; Latin: De Principatibus) is a 16th-century political treatise written by the Italian diplomat, philosopher, and political theorist Niccolò Machiavelli in the form of a realistic instruction guide for new princes. The Prince shocked many readers by assuming that immoral acts are justifiable if they achieve political glory.
From Machiavelli’s correspondence, a version was apparently being written in 1513, using a Latin title, De Principatibus (Of Principalities). However, the printed version was not published until 1532, five years after Machiavelli’s death. This was carried out with the permission of the Medici pope Clement VII, but “long before then, in fact since the first appearance of The Prince in manuscript, controversy had swirled about his writings”.
Although The Prince was written as if it were a traditional work in the mirrors for princes style, it was generally agreed as being especially innovative. This is partly because it was written in the vernacular Italian rather than Latin, a practice that had become increasingly popular since the publication of Dante’s Divine Comedy and other works of Renaissance literature. Machiavelli illustrates his reasoning using remarkable comparisons of classical, biblical, and medieval events, including many seemingly positive references to the murderous career of Cesare Borgia, which occurred during Machiavelli’s own diplomatic career.
The Prince is sometimes claimed to be one of the first works of modern philosophy, especially modern political philosophy, in which practical effect is taken to be more important than any abstract ideal. Its world view came in direct conflict with the dominant Catholic and scholastic doctrines of the time, particularly those on politics and ethics.
This short treatise is the most remembered of Machiavelli’s works, and the most responsible for the later pejorative use of the word “Machiavellian”. It even contributed to the modern negative connotations of the words “politics” and “politician” in Western countries. In subject matter, it overlaps with the much longer Discourses on Livy, which was written a few years later. In its use of near-contemporary Italians as examples of people who perpetrated criminal deeds for political ends, another lesser-known work by Machiavelli to which The Prince has been compared is the Life of Castruccio Castracani.
Summary
Each part of The Prince has attracted extensive commentary over centuries. Machiavelli’s writings continue to provoke examination of leadership and government, posing age-old issues regarding the nature of power and the decisions that rulers must make to preserve it.
Letter to Lorenzo de’ Medici, Duke of Urbino
Machiavelli prefaces his work with an introductory letter to Lorenzo de’ Medici, Duke of Urbino, the recipient of his work.
The subject matter: New Princedoms (Chapters 1 and 2)
The Prince starts by describing its subject. In the first sentence, Machiavelli uses the word “state” (Italian stato, which could also mean “status”) to cover, in neutral terms, “all forms of organization of supreme political power, whether republican or princely”. How the word “state” acquired its modern meaning during the Renaissance has been the subject of much academic debate, with this sentence and similar ones in the works of Machiavelli being considered particularly important.
Machiavelli explained here that The Prince is about princedoms, indicating that he has written about republics elsewhere, which is a reference to the Discourses on Livy. Commentators note that in fact he mixes discussion of republics into this work in many places, effectively treating republics as a type of princedom with many strengths. More importantly, and less traditionally, he distinguishes new princedoms from established hereditary princedoms. He deals with hereditary princedoms quickly in Chapter 2, saying that they are much easier to rule.
For such a prince, “unless extraordinary vices cause him to be hated, it is reasonable to expect that his subjects will be naturally well disposed towards him”. Gilbert (1938:19–23), comparing this claim to traditional presentations of advice for princes, wrote that the novelty in chapters 1 and 2 is the “deliberate purpose of dealing with a new ruler who will need to establish himself in defiance of custom”. Normally, these types of works were addressed only to hereditary princes. He thinks Machiavelli may have been influenced by Tacitus as well as his own experience.
This categorization of regime types is also “un-Aristotelian” and apparently simpler than the traditional one found for example in Aristotle’s Politics, which divides regimes into those ruled by a single monarch, an oligarchy, or by the people, in a democracy.
Machiavelli also ignores the classical distinctions between the good and corrupt forms, for example between monarchy and tyranny.
“Mixed” princedoms (Chapters 3–5)
New princedoms are either totally new or they are “mixed”, meaning that they are new parts of an older state, already belonging to that prince.
New conquests added to older states (Chapter 3)
Machiavelli generalizes that there were several virtuous Roman ways to hold a newly acquired province, using a republic as an example of how new princes can act:
to install one’s princedom in the new acquisition, or to install colonies of one’s people there, which is better.
to indulge the lesser powers of the area without increasing their power.
to put down the powerful people.
not to allow a foreign power to gain reputation.
More generally, Machiavelli emphasizes that one should have regard not only for present problems but also for the future ones. One should not “enjoy the benefit of time”, but rather the benefit of one’s virtue and prudence, because time can bring evil, as well as good.
Machiavelli notes in this chapter on the “natural and ordinary desire to acquire” and as such, those who act on this desire can be “praised or blamed” depending on the success of their acquisitions. He then goes into detail about how the King of France failed in his conquest of Italy, even saying how he could have succeeded. Machiavelli views doing harm to enemies as a necessity, stating, “if an injury is to be done to a man, it should be so severe that the prince is not in fear of revenge”.
Conquered kingdoms (Chapter 4)
In some cases, the old king of the conquered kingdom depended on his lords; 16th-century France, or in other words France as it was at the time of writing of The Prince, is given by Machiavelli as an example of such a kingdom. These are easy to enter, but difficult to hold.
When the kingdom revolves around the king, with everyone else his servant, then it is difficult to enter, but easy to hold. The solution is to eliminate the old bloodline of the prince. Machiavelli used the Persian empire of Darius III, conquered by Alexander the Great, to illustrate this point, and then noted that if one considers it, they will find this historical example similar to the “kingdom of the Turk” (Ottoman Empire) in their time – making this a potentially easier conquest to hold than France would be.
Conquered free states, with their own laws and orders (Chapter 5)
Gilbert notes that this chapter is quite atypical of any previous books for princes. Gilbert supposed the need to discuss conquering free republics is linked to Machiavelli’s project to unite Italy, which contained some free republics. As he also notes, the chapter in any case makes it clear that holding such a state is highly difficult for a prince. Machiavelli gives three options:
Ruin them, as Rome destroyed Carthage, and also as Machiavelli says the Romans eventually had to do in Greece.
Go to live there and rule it personally.
Keep the state intact, but install an oligarchy.
Machiavelli advises the ruler to go the first route, stating that if a prince does not destroy a city, he can expect “to be destroyed by it”.
Totally new states (Chapters 6–9)
Conquests by virtue (Chapter 6)
Princes who rise to power through their own skill and resources (their “virtue”) rather than luck tend to have a hard time rising to the top, but once they reach the top they are very secure in their position. This is because they effectively crush their opponents and earn great respect from everyone else. Because they are strong and more self-sufficient, they have to make fewer compromises with their allies.
Machiavelli writes that reforming an existing order is one of the most dangerous and difficult things a prince can do. Part of the reason is that people are naturally resistant to change and reform. Those who benefited from the old order will resist change very fiercely, and those who may stand to benefit from the new order will be less enthusiastic in their support, because the new order is unfamiliar and they are not certain it will live up to its promises.
Moreover, it is impossible for the prince to satisfy everybody’s expectations. Inevitably, he will disappoint some of his followers. Therefore, a prince must have the means to force his supporters to keep supporting him even when they start having second thoughts, otherwise he will lose his power. Only armed prophets, like Moses, succeed in bringing lasting change. Machiavelli claims that Moses killed uncountable numbers of his own people in order to enforce his will.
Machiavelli was not the first thinker to notice this pattern. Allan Gilbert wrote: “In wishing new laws and yet seeing danger in them Machiavelli was not himself an innovator,” because this idea was traditional and could be found in Aristotle’s writings. But Machiavelli went much further than any other author in his emphasis on this aim, and Gilbert associates Machiavelli’s emphasis upon such drastic aims with the level of corruption to be found in Italy.
Conquest by fortune, meaning by someone else’s virtue (Chapter 7)
According to Machiavelli, when a prince comes to power through luck or the blessings of powerful figures within the regime, he typically has an easy time gaining power but a hard time keeping it thereafter, because his power is dependent on his
